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Thursday, December 8, 2016

Heritage Foundation’s Climate and Energy Policy Summit: Science Deniers Emboldened by Trump’s Electoral Victory

A growing economy and an improving environment go hand in hand,” Dunlop said. She wasn’t, however, referring to the near-exponential growth in renewable energy jobs that have helped lift the country from the worst recession in a generation and the worst financial crisis in 75 years, the conditions that loomed over the last presidential transition. Nor was she referring to the historic decoupling of Gross Domestic Product from greenhouse gas emissions, which has shown consistent economic growth over the past five years both in the United States and globally while emissions have stabilized and slightly reduced at both scales.
Rather, Dunlop, who is reportedly assisting President-elect Trump’s transition efforts, was referring to stripping public health and environmental oversight of fossil fuel companies and creating “an atmosphere of freedom.”
So it proceeded throughout the “At the Crossroads III: Energy and Climate Policy Summit,” hosted by Heritage and the Texas Public Policy Foundation.
Strong rhetoric backed by nothing besides someone else’s rhetoric. Claims based on stories from the fake news websites that populate so many Facebook feeds. Arguments based on fake science funded entirely by oil and gas companies.
Oil and coal are environmentally friendly because … we say they’re environmentally friendly … Or, Sea levels have been rising at the same rate for 100 years. (About sea level rise…)

The Hosts: Heritage Foundation and The Texas Public Policy Foundation

The Heritage Foundation is a conservative D.C. think tank that regularly promotes climate science denial through its publications and the public statements of its “policy experts.”
Once seen as closely allied to the Republican Party and the Reagan administration, the Heritage Foundation has recently undergone a considerable shift, as The New York Times described: “Long known as an incubator for policy ideas and the embodiment of the party establishment, it has become more of a political organization feeding off the rising populism of the Tea Party movement.”
The Heritage Foundation has also emerged as one of the most influential forces behind Donald Trump's transition team. As Politico reports:
Part gatekeeper, part brain trust and part boots on the ground, Heritage is both a major presence on the transition team itself and a crucial conduit between Trump’s orbit and the once-skeptical conservative leaders who ultimately helped get him elected.”
According to ExxonSecrets, Heritage Foundation has received $780,000 from ExxonMobil since 1998. According to Greenpeace, The Heritage Foundation received $2,738,571 from Koch foundations between 2005 and 2011, with total Koch foundation grants between 1997 and 2014 adding up to a grand total $5,712,845.
The Texas Public Policy Foundation (TPPF) is an Austin-based think tank that has received at least $911,499 from Koch-related foundations between 1998 and 2014 and nearly $4 million from the Donors Capital Fund and DonorsTrust, considered the “dark money ATM” of the Koch network.
Craig McDonald, director of Texans for Public Justice, told the Texas Observer, “TPPF's donors are a Who's Who of Texas polluters, giant utilities and big insurance companies. TPPF is thinking the way its donors want it to think.”

The Climate Denial and Dirty Energy Summit

With a generally gloating tone, a few consistent themes were hammered over and over at this summit: that Trump would “unleash” oil and gas, that Scott Pruitt’s appointment to lead the EPA would mean a stripping of regulations for fossil fuel industries, and, of course, that the science of climate change was unclear, and that most climate scientists are part of a vast conspiracy started by the United Nations in the 1970s. 
After some brief introductory remarks by the Heritage and TPPF organizers, the day's sessions on Congressional updates, energy policy, the economy, and “science” featured a who’s who in fossil fuel–funded climate deniers. Here are some highlights.

The Honorable Mike Lee (R-UT), Member, Senate Committee on Energy & Natural Resources, and Chairman, Subcommittee on Water & Power

Senator Lee, who has received hundreds of thousands of dollars from Chevron, Koch Industries, and other dirty energy companies, argued for the transfer of federal lands to state governments, and made the case for a “decentralization” of federal regulation of energy industries to the state governments.
On fracking:
Despite the Chicken Little predictions of so many doom and gloom environmentalists out there, oil and natural gas production has boomed over the last decade largely because of the shale evolution that has taken place because of technological innovation.”

The Honorable Lamar Smith (R-TX), Chairman, House Committee on Science, Space and Technology

Rep. Smith, while taking a break from his ExxonMobil-funded duties, talked about issuing subpoenas to find out what climate advocacy groups and state attorneys general knew about what Exxon knew about climate science.
On climate advocates:
The environmental extremists who fight against American energy are here to stay. They are determined to stop Americans from having access to affordable power.”
On the EPA’s endangerment finding for carbon dioxide (CO2):
The agency wants to  “hide information” from the American people. “They cherry picked the data.”
About the Clean Power Plan:
The rule will have little or no impact on global temperatures. Regulations should be based on sound science, not science fiction.”

The Honorable Pete Olson (R-TX), Chairman, Subcommittee on Energy & Power, House Committee on Energy & Commerce

Rep. Olson, who called fracked oil and gas “Liquid American freedom,” spent a lot of his time talking about how unfair and overly restrictive the EPA’s clean air rules were, while also applauding the agency and giving Republicans credit for writing the Clean Air Act and taking the pollution out of the air. The oil industry (and Koch Industries) is a big fan of Rep. Olson, and shows it in the campaign contributions rained down on him.
On climate science:
There is climate change since the book of Genesis. I don’t believe that humans are about to destroy our Earth.”
On the Republican environmental tradition (but note that Olson voted against ozone — or smog — regulations):
“We are the party through Teddy Roosevelt that made our national parks. We are a party of our sportsmen that love the outdoors. We are the party that cleaned up the smog I breathed as a child in Houston to have clean air that my kids breathe today.
We will not pass a country on to our kids and grandkids that resemble the days where the Cuyahoga River was on fire.”
On nominated EPA head Scott Pruitt:
“I’m excited to have him come before our committee and say things I want him to say.”

The Honorable James Inhofe (R-OK), Chairman, Senate Environment & Public Works Committee

Senator Inhofe, the upper chamber's most recalcitrant climate denier, reminded everyone about the Climategate non-story, and promised that Congress is going to use the Congressional Review Act to legislate away rules that Congress has already given federal agencies the authority to write.
On the Congressional Review Act (CRA): 
”[CRA] is the vehicle that can be used if there is a regulation and you want to do away with it … the Senate can override. All it takes is 51 [votes] in the Senate to do this. We passed CRAs on all these regulations, but the President vetoes.”
On predicting the Trump victory:
“I asked, Is God really going to make America change that much? God's not going to let that happen to America.”
On the United Nations and using climate change to consolidate world power:
“Keep in mind, the IPCC [Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] is the United Nations 'power plan.' That's where it all started and it's very important that people understand that.”
On Scott Pruitt as director of the EPA:
You’ll love this guy.”

Corbin J. Robinson, Jr., Principal, Quintana Capital Group

Corbin Robinson, who made his riches off coal and gas, confessed that he doesn’t know much about politics or science — “I am just a business guy trying to do my thing” — before proceeding to give a lecture on climate science.
Speaking to the climate science deniers from the afternoon session:
My guiding light in terms of understanding the science … They are the real heroes. I am here to honor you.”
On climate science:
“News bulletin: the world is warming. Of course. It’s been warming since 1750 when the 'Little Ice Age' ended. Sea levels have been rising. They’ve been rising for the past 100 years.”
On the media’s coverage of climate change:
“I must say the media has done a marvelous job of not presenting the facts. I can't think of a more biased presentation. The educational community has not presented the facts. It is time in the next four years.”
On his proposal for a communications campaign:
“We need understandable bullet points. The science can’t be summarized, but the truth can be summarized … It’s time to go on offense. Develop a series of newspaper fold-outs with a series of bullet points on CO2. On CO2’s benefits for life and plant growth. CO2 always was and always will be. Man exhales CO2.”

David Kreutzer, Senior Fellow at The Heritage Foundation

A former economist with the controversial Berman & Company, Kreutzer spoke mainly about what he said were the economic costs and consequences of environmental regulations. He did not address President-elect Trump head-on. 
Kreutzer lamented that CO2 emissions were not going to stimulate the economy. The debate, he argued, was how much regulations can hurt the economy, which he discussed without directly mentioning Trump's new anti-regulations EPA chief, Scott Pruitt.
We at Heritage were accused of having some sort of denier economic model,” said Kreutzer, who also decried both the Lieberman-Warner and Waxman-Markey proposed cap-and-trade bills for addressing climate change. Both of those bills failed to pass, though a cap-and-trade model has been quietly inserted into President Obama's Clean Power Plan, which may never see the light of day in the next administration. 
After disparaging cap-and-trade, Kreutzer moved onto the social cost of carbon, which he called “fiction.”

Patrick Michaels, Director of the Center for the Study of Science at the Cato Institute

Michaels, a long-time climate change denier, introduced his talk as one for “geeks.” Thereafter, he tore into climate change and climate science models.
There is an “epidemic of positive results in the [climate science] literature,” Michaels said, concluding this is the case due to “funding” issues, but not elaborating on what he meant by that. Michaels, of course, has admitted to taking 40% of the funding for his own work at the Cato Institute from the oil industry. The Koch brothers founded Cato.
Science is very, very sick,” opined Michaels. “There is a natural variability, if you will, even if you assume the later warming is anthropogenic … The best solution is to do nothing. Because doing nothing is doing something.”
Michaels then called for President-elect Trump to do as he promised on the campaign trail: Rip up and toss out the United Nations Paris climate agreement. “We’re going to make climate great again,” joked Michaels.
Like Kreutzer, Michaels also discussed the social cost of carbon metric, but went further. “Social cost of carbon becomes the social benefit of carbon,” he said.

Patrick Forkin — Vice President of Strategy & Global Energy Analytics at Peabody Energy

Forkin stepped up as perhaps the coal industry's most credible spokesman, being from the industry itself. 
Coal is “affordable, secure, and widely available,” Forkin said, perhaps jubiliant that the incoming president has promised to bring back coal mining jobs. As The Washington Post reported today, many in coal country are “thrilled” about Trump's looming presidency, though it remains doubtful as to whether he can live up to his promise.
While praising the role of coal in the energy economy, Forkin also downplayed the future of renewable energy.
Our position is: There is a role for every source of energy. There is a role for renewables,” he stated. “But that role should be driven by unsubsidized free market economics. That’s not what’s been happening here in the U.S. In 2013, solar and wind received two-thirds of federal subsidies. In that same year, those sources only generated about 5% of electricity in the US.”
Forkin also echoed the Peabody Energy talking point about “energy poverty” and how lack of access to energy — namely self-interested coal-powered electricity — can impact poor people. Saying he couldn’t phrasae it better himself, Forkin ended his talk by quoting from Trump’s energy plan, written by Tom Pyle, a Koch-funded former lobbyist.

Allen Gilmer of Texas Independent Petroleum Producers Association (TIPPA)

Gilmer of TIPPA spoke on behalf of the independent oil and gas industry, or those wildcatters who made the hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) revolution possible, as documented in the book The Frackers.
One of the protagonists in that book was Harold Hamm, the Trump campaign's chief energy adviser and under consideration to become U.S. Secretary of Energy, who also is founder and CEO of the oil and natural gas company Continental Resources. Hamm was praised by another speaker during the Energy and Climate Policy panel, Mark Mills of the Manhattan Institute. 
Poking fun at the Keep It In The Ground campaign, Gilmer told the audience, “Keeping it in the ground is like asking 'Why don’t I just strangle my babies?'” U.S. Sen. Heidi Heitkamp (D-ND), considered a finalist for the Energy Secretary and Interior Secretary jobs, recently lashed out at that movement in an interview and blamed it for the Democrats electoral beating in November. 
Gilmer said that he hoped that subsidies loomed for the mom and pop side of the oil and gas industry.

Dan Byers, Vice President of Policy for Institute for 21st Century Energy at U.S. Chamber of Commerce

Byers, who formerly worked for the George W. Bush White House, opened his talk by lamenting what he argued were false talking points about the energy industry, which he said “grinds my gears.” His current employer, the Institute for 21st Century Energy, is outspoken against environmental litigation, supports oil exports, and serves as Big Business' main collective voice on energy issues in the U.S.
Since Trump won, publications have run pieces saying that “Trump can’t help coal,” lamented Byers. Arguing that the narrative is “nonsense,” Byers posited that coal production would plummet by a factor of 30% if Clinton had won. Trump on the contrary, while he might not be able to turn the U.S. into a coal superpower, can “help coal country a lot.”
The Paris climate agreement came up too, and Byers argued that it disproportionately hurts the U.S. while the rest of the world gets to partake in “business as usual.” Byers also claimed that coal is “good for the public health of the people of India and their wellbeing” and bashed the Keep It In the Ground movement, which his group has chided in the past.
I think [Keep It In The Ground is] going to fail because it’s so intellectually indefensible, and it’s partly because of the hypocrisy,” said Byers.

Willie Soon, Astrophysicist

Soon spoke first on a panel called “Climate Intimidation: Chilling Climate Science.” He played the role of victim for having been revealed by The New York Times for taking money from the likes of Southern Company, ExxonMobil, the American Petroleum Institute, and Koch Industries for his part-time research at the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics. He was speaking as an independent scientist at this event. 
Introduced as the “leading authority” on the association between solar activity and Earth’s climate, Soon said, as of late he has been “living under the dark cloud of censorship and intimidation.”
He also spoke of Greenpeace USA, which obtained his emails through the Freedom of Information Act, which was at the center of The Times' investigation.
It is “unfortunate” they released emails but “I had nothing to hide,” he claimed, saying his motto was to “forgive all the bad people. But never forget.”
Soon had some choice words for another of his antagonists, Peter Gleick — who leaked to DeSmog the Heartland Institute documents revealing its strategy to cast doubt on climate science:
Such a disgraceful guy who actually used a stolen Identity in order to get private documents.”
He concluded his remarks by talking about what Trump's electoral win could mean for him and his (very few) fellow climate change denying scientists.
Climate science as we know it has been dangerously corrupted by … these bullies of censorship,” he said. “They continue to hijack science for their own game. We must do something about this. Hopefully with a political win we can do something about this.”

William Happer of Princeton University

William Happer is an emeritus physics professor with Princeton University and former Director of the CO2 Coalition, a group formed in 2015 out of the former George C. Marshall Institute, where Happer was also previously chairman of the board. 
We’re doing our best to counter this myth that CO2 is a dangerous pollutant,” he claimed. “It’s not a pollutant at all.” He called those who claim that it is are part of the “CO2 defamation league.”
Meanwhile, Happer said most of the pollution in China does not originate from the oil, gas, or coal industries. Instead, what is that pollution's point of origin? The Gobi Desert. He said:
If you have a well-designed coal plant, what comes out of the stack is almost the same that comes out of a person’s breath. Most of it is water and CO2. It’s actually running, but nothing comes out of the stack. These plants are completely benign. What comes out of here is fine. It’s not a lot different from your own breath.”

Craig Idso of the Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change

Idso is the chairman and former president of the Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change. The Center's stated mission is to “separate reality from rhetoric in the emotionally-charged debate that swirls around the subject of carbon dioxide and global change.” 
The scientific evidence supporting that position [that CO2 is a pollutant] is tenuous at best, ” Idso said, pointing to the reliance on computer models, as opposed to real-world observations.
Idso also claimed there are three chief “benefits” of CO2 in the atmosphere. That is, it “increases plant productivity, enhances plant water use efficiency, and helps plants” better handle stresses.
Saying he was hopeful Trump would change course, Idso said the Obama administration has far too long “besmirched and defamed the many virtues of carbon dioxide” and that “CO2 is not a pollutant. It is the very elixir of life.”

Roy Spencer of the University of Alabama at Huntsville

Spencer is a research scientist at the University of Alabama, Huntsville. He operates his own blog on global warming where he describes himself as a “climatologist, author, [and] former NASA scientist.” At today's panel on CO2 as dangerous pollutant, Spencer acknowledged some warming is happening, but belittled the enormity of it and its current impacts on the planet.
The amount of warming we’re seeing … global warming is not something that anyone will feel in their lifetime,” he claimed. “it is simply too slow for anyone to feel. Nevertheless, I am one of the skeptics who believes that adding CO2 to the atmosphere, theoretically, should cause some warming. I would expect slow warming to occur in the future — but I wouldn’t bet money on it.”

Richard Lindzen of Massachusetts Institute for Technology

Lindzen is the Alfred P. Sloan Professor of Meteorology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) as well as the Distinguished Senior Fellow at the Center for the Study of Science at the Cato Institute.
Climate hysteria is a classic example of how capturing a narrative can turn absurd conjectures into presumptive truth,” he said at the podium. “And once you’ve done that, you have to defend yourself against that, even though it’s absurd.”
With a sense of satisfaction, Lindzen spoke of how both Trump and his Democratic Party opponent Hillary Clinton hardly mentioned climate change throughout their electoral battle.
The role of climate change in the recent presidential election was interestingly subdued,” he said. “The President-elect was dismissive, while Clinton treated the issue with caution.”
He ended his remarks with this closing thought:
It’s time to put the brakes on the climate alarm movement. The benefits [of increased CO2] would be immense, and would come with immense savings and not expenditures.”

Edited by Ashley Braun, with research by Michael Fisher and Mack Alvin.

https://www.desmogblog.com/2016/12/08/heritage-foundation-s-climate-and-energy-policy-summit-science-deniers-emboldened-trump-s-electoral-victory

In case you want to know who is on the wrong side of the science and history (if there is one): these are the crazy ones

Happening tomorrow:

Heritage At the Crossroads III: Energy and Climate Policy Summit


AGENDA
8:30 a.m.
Registration and Continental Breakfast
9:15 a.m.  
Welcome and Introductory Remarks

Brooke Rollins, President, Texas Public Policy Foundation
Becky Norton Dunlop, Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow, The Heritage Foundation
9:30 a.m. 
Session 1: Congressional Update
The Honorable Mike Lee (R-UT), Member, Senate Committee on Energy & Natural Resources, and Chairman, Subcommittee on Water & Power
The Honorable Lamar Smith (R-TX), Chairman, House Committee on Science, Space and Technology
The Honorable Pete Olson (R-TX), Chairman, Subcommittee on Energy & Power, House Committee on Energy & Commerce 
The Honorable Gary Palmer (R-TX), Member, House Committee on Science, Space and Technology
Tim Chapman, Chief Operating Officer, Heritage Action for America – Moderator
11:00 a.m. 
Session 2: Keynote Addresses

The Honorable James Inhofe (R-OK), Chairman, Senate Environment & Public Works Committee
Corbin J. Robinson, Jr., Principal, Quintana Capital Group
12:00 p.m. 
Lunch
12:45 p.m. 
Session 3: Energy and Climate Policy
David W. Kreutzer, Ph.D., Senior Research Fellow, Center for Data Analysis, The Heritage Foundation
Patrick J. Michaels, Director, Center for the Study of Science, Cato Institute
Mark P. Mills, Chief Executive Officer, Digital Power Group; Senior Fellow, The Manhattan Institute; and Faculty Fellow, McCormick School of Engineering and Applied Science, Northwestern University
Horace Cooper, Adjunct Fellow, National Center for Public Policy Research – Moderator
2:00 p.m. 
Session 4: Industry and the Economy 

Patrick Forkin, Vice President Strategy & Global Energy Analytics, Peabody Energy
Allen Gilmer, Chairman, Texas Independent Producers & Royalty Owners Association (TIPRO)
Dan Byers, Senior Director for Policy, Institute for 21st Century Energy, U.S. Chamber of Commerce 
Nick Loris, The Herbert and Joyce Morgan Fellow, The Heritage Foundation – Moderator
3:00 p.m. 
Session 5: A Conversation on Climate Intimidation 

Dr. Richard Lindzen, Alfred P. Sloan Professor of Meteorology, MIT 
Dr. Willie Soon, Astrophysicist and Independent Scientist 
Andrew M. Grossman, Co-Founder, Free Speech in Science Project – Moderator
4:00 p.m.
Session 6: Is CO2 Really a Pollutant? Update from the CO2 Coalition

Dr. William Happer, Emeritus Professor of Physics, Princeton University
Dr. Craig Idso, Chairman, Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change
Dr. David R. Legates, Professor of Geography, University of Delaware
Dr. Richard Lindzen, Alfred P. Sloan Professor of Meteorology, MIT
Dr. Roy Spencer, Principal Research Scientist, University of Alabama in Huntsville
Patrick J. Michaels, Director, Center for the Study of Science, Cato Institute – Moderator
5:00 p.m.
Concluding Remarks
5:15 p.m.
Shuttle transportation to the Reserve Officers Association Building
5:45 p.m. 
Reception
6:30 p.m.
Dinner and Keynote Address

Fueling Freedom: Exposing the Mad War on Energy
The Honorable Kathleen Hartnett White, 
Director, Armstrong Center for Energy & the Environment, TPPF
Introduction by
Rupert Darwall, author of The Age of Global Warming and former Special Advisor to the Chancellor of the Exchequer

James Taylor, Founder, Spark of Freedom Foundation - Moderator

Elizabeth Kolbert, The New Yorker: Scientists Are Scared of Trump: A Pocket Guide

by Elizabeth Kolbert, The New Yorker, December 2016


Next week, the American Geophysical Union will hold its annual conference in San Francisco. The A.G.U. meeting is one of the world’s première scientific gatherings—last fall, some twenty-four thousand experts in fields ranging from astronomy to volcanology attended. This year, in addition to the usual papers and journals, a new publication will be available to participants. It’s called “Handling Political Harassment and Legal Intimidation: A Pocket Guide for Scientists.”

The guide is the creation of a group called the Climate Science Legal Defense Fund. One of the group’s founders, Joshua Wolfe, and its executive director, Lauren Kurtz, made the decision to write it on the day after the election. “There is a lot of fear among scientists that they will become targets of people who are interested in science as politics, rather than progress,” Wolfe told me in an e-mail.

With each passing day, that fear appears to be more well founded. The one quality that all of Trump’s picks for his cabinet and his transition team seem to share is an expertise in the dark art of disinformation.
Consider, for example, Scott Pruitt, who is reportedly Trump’s nominee to head the Environmental Protection Agency. Pruitt, currently the attorney general of Oklahoma, is an outspoken critic of the agency that he would lead. This is not, in and of itself, disqualifying, but, as a 2014 investigative piece in the Times revealed, Pruitt’s criticisms have little basis in evidence. Instead, he has basically served as a mouthpiece for talking points dreamed up by the oil and gas industries. In one case, Pruitt signed a letter criticizing the E.P.A. for supposedly exaggerating the air pollution attributable to natural-gas drilling in Oklahoma. It turned out that the letter had been written for him by one of the state’s biggest drilling companies.

“Outstanding!” was the reaction that the company’s director of government relations sent to Pruitt’s office.

Or consider Chris Shank, the first person Trump has named to what’s being called the “landing team” for NASA. Shank has spent the last several years working for Representative Lamar Smith, of Texas, who chairs the House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology. Under Smith, the committee has held about a dozen hearings on climate change, all with the same objective: trying to prove that climate change isn’t happening. 

This is impossible to do if you are relying on actual information, as opposed to the made-up sort. (In 2015, when government scientists published a study refuting one of Smith’s favorite claims—that there had been a “pause” in global warming—the congressman responded by subpoenaing the scientists’ e-mails.) Shank has compared those who question the basics of climate science to Galileo, an analogy so absurd that Ted Cruz has also used it. To imagine that Ivanka Trump, who, according to Politico, wants to make climate change “one of her signature issues,” can counter the likes of Pruitt and Shank is to engage in the same sort of magical thinking that brought us Trump in the first place.

Much has been written lately about what Trump’s victory reveals about the electorate’s relationship with the truth. (In short, nothing good.) But to say that we are living in a “post-fact” era is perhaps too benign. The problem is not just that too many people do not seem to care about the truth (though this is certainly a huge problem); it’s that a lot of people—an increasing number of them in high government positions—insist that their ravings are true, and try to act on them. This naturally brings them into conflict with those whose job it is to distinguish fact from fiction; hence the subpoenas and attempts to intimidate.

For climate scientists, the dangers of hewing to reality have been apparent for years. This is why the Climate Science Legal Defense Fund was founded in the first place, in 2011. As Marshall Shepherd, the director of the University of Georgia’s atmospheric-sciences program, tweeted recently, “Lots of concern about Fake News. As a scientist that works in meteorology & climatology, welcome to our world, dealt with this for awhile.” But this doesn’t make the situation any easier to deal with. The pocket guide’s advice for scientists who think that they are being harassed? “When in doubt, call a lawyer.”

Elizabeth Kolbert has been a staff writer at The New Yorker since 1999. She won the 2015 Pulitzer Prize for general nonfiction for “The Sixth Extinction: An Unnatural History.”

Jane Mayer, The New Yorker: Scott Pruitt, Trump’s Industry Pick for the E.P.A.

by Jane Mayer, The New Yorker, December 7, 2016


Garvin Isaacs, the president of the Oklahoma Bar Association, isn’t one for understatement, but he topped himself in his reaction to the news that Donald Trump is expected to nominate Scott Pruitt, the Oklahoma attorney general, to run the Environmental Protection Agency.

“It’s the worst thing in the history of our environment!” Isaacs exclaimed when I spoke to him on Wednesday. “We are in danger. The whole country is in danger. Our kids are in danger. People have got to do something about the Citizens United decision that is turning our country into an oligarchy, run by oil-and-gas interests,” he said.

Isaacs is a colorful and respected local litigator who has long been a thorn in the side of Oklahoma’s powerful. He claims the fossil-fuel industry “owns the whole darn state.” But his worries at the state level are now national. By choosing Pruitt, Isaacs said, Trump has outsourced his environmental policy to the Republican Party’s most powerful private donors—the oil-and-gas magnates who have funded Pruitt’s campaigns in Oklahoma.

Until now, Pruitt’s greatest claim to national fame was his star role in a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigation by the Times, in 2014. The investigation revealed that a letter Pruitt sent to the E.P.A in 2011, complaining about federal regulators’ estimation of the air pollution caused by drilling in Oklahoma, was actually written by lawyers for Devon Energy, one of the state’s biggest oil-and-gas companies. (“Outstanding!” the company’s director of government relations wrote in a note to Pruitt’s office.) The Times found that Pruitt had sent similar letters, drafted by energy-industry lobbyists, to the Department of the Interior, the Office of Management and Budget, and President Obama. Pruitt has also taken a lead role in coördinating a twenty-eight-state legal challenge to the Obama Administration’s regulations on fossil-fuel pollution, which are at the center of its larger effort to stem climate change.

In taking these anti-regulatory positions, Pruitt has clearly aligned himself with his right-wing campaign donors, including Charles and David Koch. KochPAC, the political-action committee of the brothers’ Kansas-based oil-and-chemical conglomerate, Koch Industries, contributed to Pruitt’s campaigns in 2010, 2013, and 2014. Pruitt has also been backed by several other billionaire oil-and-gas executives, who joined political forces with the Kochs during the Obama years, becoming “investors,” as they called themselves, in the Kochs’ anti-regulatory, pro-business political movement. Harold Hamm, the billionaire founder and chief executive of Continental Resources, and Larry Nichols, the chairman emeritus of Devon Energy, have both supported Pruitt. Hamm, in fact, was the co-chairman of Pruitt’s 2013 reëlection campaign. This year, Hamm became an early and ardent Trump supporter and adviser on energy matters. In September, Politico reported that Nichols had become a close adviser to Trump on energy, too. It’s not clear that Pruitt will continue to take dictation from his fossil-fuel backers, but they almost certainly will have a lot more to thank him for if he enters the Trump Administration.

During the Presidential campaign, Trump signalled his support for the fossil-fuel industry and his lack of concern about climate change, which he called “a hoax.” He also echoed the industry’s calls to dismantle the E.P.A. In that sense, Trump’s nomination of Pruitt would not be unexpected. But it is deeply inconsistent with his populist rhetoric during the campaign. Trump mocked billionaire Republican political donors, including the Koch brothers. Steve Bannon, his campaign manager and now his chief strategist, derided the “donor class,” which he said had sold out ordinary voters, while Trump promised to take on corrupt special interests in Washington, and, as he put it, “drain the swamp.” With the choice of Pruitt, though, Trump appears to have once again chosen the plutocrats over the populists.